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Indigenous Knowledge and Local Strategies for Global Climate Crises

Introduction

Climate change is a global challenge that affects both the natural environment and human communities. International organizations such as the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) often focus on scientific models and global data. While these tools are important, they sometimes overlook the deep knowledge and experience that Indigenous peoples have built over generations. As Ford et al. (2016) argued, including Indigenous knowledge (IK) in climate reports is necessary for creating culturally appropriate and practical solutions.


Unlike scientific knowledge, which typically seeks generalizable insights through models and global datasets, IK is relational and place-based, grounded in long-term relationships between people and specific lands and waters. It grows through experience and is passed down through observation, stories, and cultural practices. Reyes-García et al. (2024) stated that climate change is not only a physical issue for Indigenous communities but also one that affects their culture, spirituality, and way of life.


This article examines four ways IK contributes to climate resilience: (1) observing the environment, (2) adapting to local changes, (3) community-based monitoring and early warning, and (4) protecting Indigenous rights and working together ethically. Examples from different continents show how IK is local in practice but relevant to global climate responses. 


Indigenous Knowledge and Climate Observation

Observation forms the foundation of many Indigenous knowledge (IK) systems. Through close interaction with natural cycles over generations, communities have developed detailed ways of identifying environmental shifts. These systems often detect subtle, localized changes that broad scientific models may overlook.


In the Arctic, Inuit hunters have relied on signs such as the sound of ice cracking, snow texture, wind direction, and the behavior of sled dogs to assess the safety of sea ice. These environmental cues have long supported safe travel across dynamic ice landscapes. Ford et al. (2016) described this form of knowledge as providing “operational safety” in conditions where modern technology may be insufficient or imprecise.


This depth of observation reflects not only ecological understanding but also the cultural transmission of survival skills. These practices, passed down orally and experientially, are critical in a region experiencing rapid climate change.


Figure 1: Two Inuit hunters among ice floes. (Lomen Brothers, 1916).
Figure 1: Two Inuit hunters among ice floes. (Lomen Brothers, 1916).

Elsewhere in the Andes, Quechua and Aymara farmers in Peru observe the Pleiades in June to forecast seasonal rainfall. When the stars appear faint, drought is expected; when they are bright, normal rains are likely. This practice correlates with high cirrus cloud cover associated with the El Niño-Southern Oscillation (Orlove et al., 2000). Similarly, in the Philippines, Ifugao farmers read cloud patterns, river flow, and animal behavior to time rice planting in their 2,000-year-old terrace system (Domingo et al., 2024; Maharjan et al., 2025; Soriano et al., 2017). These examples demonstrate how communities anticipate climate events through observational techniques that modern climatology now explains (Boillat & Berkes, 2013).


In addition to sky-based forecasting, these communities employ terraced farming systems to manage temperature variation and conserve water. Such terraces, often centuries old, enable cultivation in harsh, high-altitude conditions. They represent a blend of environmental awareness and long-standing land management. As shown in Figure 2, the terraces at Moray, Peru, create microclimates that regulate soil and water, protecting crops from frost and drought. These terraces reflect centuries of Indigenous innovation in managing soils, water, and microclimates. They embody how observation and engineering combine to sustain farming under highly variable environmental conditions.


Figure 2: Terraced farming in Moray, Peru, manages temperature and moisture across elevation gradients. (Smithsonian National Museum of the American Indian, 2018).
Figure 2: Terraced farming in Moray, Peru, manages temperature and moisture across elevation gradients. (Smithsonian National Museum of the American Indian, 2018).

Local water systems in northern and western India pair ecological insight with collective governance. In Ladakh, villagers regulate scarce supplies by channeling glacier melt through “zings”, small canals that allocate flow across fields and settlements (Nüsser et al., 2019). In Rajasthan, johads - earthen embankments that impound monsoon runoff - are used to slow overland flow, enhance infiltration, and recharge shallow aquifers  (Hussain et al., 2014). Together, these practices illustrate anticipatory water management built on long-term observation and community coordination.


A similar fusion of environmental reading and shared stewardship shapes mountain agriculture in the northern Philippines. As shown in Figure 3, the Ifugao rice terraces (a UNESCO World Heritage Site) rely on community-managed irrigation networks and planting calendars guided by observation and ritual. These engineered landscapes support agrobiodiversity, stabilize soils, and regulate water in fragile highland ecosystems, revealing how observation, infrastructure, and social cooperation were inseparable.


Figure 3: The Ifugao rice terraces in the Philippines, showing ongoing use of ecological observation and engineering. (Mahajan, 2024)
Figure 3: The Ifugao rice terraces in the Philippines, showing ongoing use of ecological observation and engineering. (Mahajan, 2024)

Across Africa, Maasai herders anticipate rainfall using ecological signs such as acacia flowering and seasonal bird migrations. Similarly, Fulani pastoralists in the Sahel monitor vegetation growth, water-source availability, and potential conflict zones to guide herd movements. Nalau et al. (2018) emphasized that these local indicators remain vital because conventional forecasts often failed to capture micro-level variation.


Adaptation Practices Across Regions

Across the Pacific Islands, households are already facing sea-level rise, stronger storms, and shifting rainfall. Responses commonly combine customary practices with nature-based solutions, including food preservation, mangrove restoration, and water conservation. Mangroves reduce erosion and storm surge, while traditional storage, such as breadfruit fermentation, supports food security during cyclone seasons. Nalau et al. (2018) described these measures as ecosystem-based adaptation because they work with, rather than against, natural processes. Their effectiveness depends on local institutions and values rather than externally imposed interventions.


In the highlands of the Andes, communities have long adapted to diverse mountain climates through agricultural terraces and complex irrigation. Terraces reduce soil erosion, retain moisture, and enable cultivation across elevation bands, functions that are crucial where temperature and rainfall fluctuate sharply. A leading example is Potato Park in Peru, managed by Quechua communities, which conserves more than 1,300 potato varieties grown at different altitudes. This agrobiodiversity distributes risk; if one variety fails due to frost or drought, others persist (Walshe & Argumedo, 2016). Agriculture here is not solely technical but also spiritual, grounded in reciprocity with Pachamama (Mother Earth), whereby care for the land is both an ethical duty and a practical necessity.


In the dry districts of Rajasthan, India, water scarcity and erratic rainfall prompted the development of johads and khadins, small earthen structures that capture monsoon runoff for later use. These systems enhance infiltration and recharge shallow aquifers, extending water availability well beyond the rainy season. As shown in Figure 4, johads exemplify anticipatory adaptation: rather than reacting to drought, communities plan ahead by governing water carefully (Hussain et al., 2014). Their construction and maintenance depend on cooperation, local planning, and collective labor, and they support both agriculture and livestock, demonstrating how simple, place-based solutions can yield broad benefits.


Figure 4: Khadin/Johad water-harvesting structure in Rajasthan, India (GeeksforGeeks, 2023).
Figure 4: Khadin/Johad water-harvesting structure in Rajasthan, India (GeeksforGeeks, 2023).

Flood-pulse societies of the Amazon align livelihoods with seasonal hydrological cycles; in practice, they time fishing, floodplain cultivation, and travel to the predictable inundation and recession of waters (the “flood pulse”). Rather than resisting annual floods, households schedule planting, fishing, and hunting according to the rise and fall of river levels. This orientation reflects an adaptive logic that embraces environmental variability. By following ecological rhythms, communities sustain biodiversity and food security. Decisions about where and when to plant, fish, or relocate are grounded in close observation and long-term experience. In this context, adaptation is not merely a response to climate change but a way of life (da Cunha Ávila et al., 2021).


Fire stewardship in northern Australia offers a complementary example. Aboriginal communities implement planned, low-intensity cultural burning to reduce fuel loads, limit large wildfires, stimulate new growth, and support biodiversity (Australian Museum, 2020). Unlike many conventional fire management programs, these burns follow seasonal cues and draw on deep ecological knowledge. The resulting fine-grained mosaics provide habitat diversity (WWF-Australia, n.d.). Cultural burning also sustains intergenerational teaching and reinforces connections to Country, making fire both a practical tool and a cultural practice (Australian Museum, 2020; Time Magazine, 2020; WWF-Australia, n.d.).


Sahelian drylands illustrate soil- and water-focused adaptation under rainfall variability. In Burkina Faso and Niger, farmers use zai pits, small basins enriched with organic matter, to capture rainwater and rebuild fertility on degraded fields. Over time, this method improves infiltration and supports crop growth even on marginal land. As shown in Figure 5, zai pits provide a low-cost, scalable approach to restoring abandoned soils. Revived during the severe droughts of the 1980s, the technique has since spread widely across the region. Beyond yield gains, zai practices contribute to landscape rehabilitation and reflect solutions rooted in cultural memory (Hussainzad & Gou, 2024).


Figure 5: Zai pit farming in Burkina Faso. (Farming Africa, 2014).
Figure 5: Zai pit farming in Burkina Faso. (Farming Africa, 2014).

Zai pits operate within a broader Sahelian livelihood system that combines rainfed farming with transhumant pastoralism. As droughts intensify and rains grow erratic, households rely on seasonal mobility, kin networks, and reciprocal labor to secure water and forage (World Bank, 2020). Thus, resilience in the Sahel is as much social and spatial as it is technical.


Community-Based Monitoring and Early Warning

IK extends beyond individual observations or technical skills. It operates collectively, embedded in everyday practice and transmitted through storytelling, ritual, and communal decision-making. Thompson et al. (2020) described this as participatory monitoring, in which evidence of environmental change is validated through lived experience rather than imposed by external systems. Such embedded approaches enhance both the accuracy and the legitimacy of local monitoring.


Across the Sahel, pastoralist networks among Fulani, Tuareg, and Maasai communities track pasture condition, water availability, and potential conflict corridors. These information flows are maintained through seasonal gatherings, kinship ties, and increasingly through mobile communication, blending oral transmission with digital tools, as shown in Figure 6. A report of forage decline near a waterhole can quickly circulate across clans and reshape migration decisions. Derbyshire et al. (2024) found that such decentralized systems often outperform centralized services in speed and relevance.


Figure 6: Fulani herders coordinating water access at a Sahel water point (United Nations. (n.d.)
Figure 6: Fulani herders coordinating water access at a Sahel water point (United Nations. (n.d.)

In Pacific settings, traditional indicators are combined with meteorological products to strengthen cyclone preparedness. Communities in Vanuatu and Fiji watch bird movements, ocean swells, and cloud formations to anticipate storms, then cross-check these signals with radio forecasts and mobile alerts. This fusion has produced hybrid early warning systems that are culturally grounded and scientifically robust, fostering trust and timely response (Nalau et al., 2018).


In the Amazon basin, riverine communities monitor water level, color, and flow velocity to anticipate droughts and floods. Elders transmit these assessments in village meetings, guiding collective choices about planting calendars, fishing zones, or temporary relocation. In several areas, local protocols have been formalized to feed national databases, including Brazil’s Flood Pulse Project (da Cunha Ávila et al., 2021).


Monitoring is not purely technical; it is social and relational. The authority of community-based systems rests on alignment with local norms of trust and collective well-being. Where adaptation is grounded in lived realities, responses tend to be both faster and more legitimate.


Knowledge Sovereignty and Ethical Co-production

Efforts to achieve climate justice for Indigenous peoples involve more than technical adaptation strategies; they also encompass demands for rights, recognition, and leadership. Figure 7 illustrates the connection between cultural identity and political demands in Indigenous climate leadership, emphasizing the need for responses that are not only technical solutions but ethically accountable commitments.


Figure 7: Indigenous people linking cultural identity with demands for climate justice (SOPA Images Limited, 2021). 
Figure 7: Indigenous people linking cultural identity with demands for climate justice (SOPA Images Limited, 2021). 

Although IK is gaining more attention in climate science and policy, it is often treated as an add-on rather than a core framework. In many cases, traditional understanding is reduced to isolated data points that support scientific models, rather than being considered as a complete and credible way of knowing. These approaches risk perpetuating extractive dynamics, where information is gathered without meaningful consent or lasting accountability (Ford et al., 2016).


Addressing this imbalance requires a firm commitment to knowledge sovereignty — the right of Indigenous people to control how their insights are interpreted, shared, and applied. This commitment extends to decision-making power over research processes, data use, and the distribution of benefits within their communities.


Ethical co-production must move beyond symbolic participation or surface-level consultation. It involves building equitable partnerships from the beginning, including jointly developing research questions, and recognizing land-based knowledge systems as valid, rigorous, and grounded in deep ecological understanding. As Ford et al. (2016) argue, Indigenous perspectives should not appear in reports like those of the IPCC merely as anecdotal additions. Instead, they should shape the structure, analysis, and conclusions of such assessments.


Despite growing recognition, doubt remains. Culturally grounded knowledge is still too often viewed as subjective or “unscientific,” even though it is supported by long-term observation, collective validation, and practical outcomes (Reyes-García et al., 2024). These attitudes reflect broader structural biases embedded in academic and policy institutions.


A fair and effective climate response must therefore place Indigenous leadership at the center of decision-making, rather than at the periphery. This requires meaningful roles in local, national, and global climate governance, along with formal recognition of Indigenous legal systems, cultural values, and priorities. When traditional knowledge systems are respected on their own terms, they enhance both the scientific quality and ethical foundation of climate solutions.


Conclusion

The examples discussed across regions and ecosystems demonstrate that IK is not merely cultural heritage, but a dynamic and rigorous system of observation, adaptation, and ecological stewardship. From Inuit navigation on sea ice and Andean terraces to Pacific cyclone forecasting and Sahelian zai pits, Indigenous strategies reveal how communities have long confronted environmental uncertainty with practices that are both technically effective and culturally grounded. These approaches highlight that resilience to climate crises is already embedded within local traditions, landscapes, and governance systems.


However, recognizing the value of IK requires more than celebrating its ingenuity. Without respect for knowledge sovereignty and Indigenous leadership, integration risks reproducing colonial patterns of extraction and marginalization. Climate governance must therefore embrace co-production frameworks that safeguard Indigenous rights, ensure equitable participation, and position Indigenous voices as central to decision-making.


Ultimately, addressing global climate crises demands partnerships that unite scientific modelling with Indigenous observation, international policy and local stewardship, modern technologies and ancestral wisdom. By centering Indigenous knowledge systems, climate action can become not only more scientifically robust but also more socially just, anchored in the ethical and cultural foundations that have sustained resilience for generations.



References

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Figure 02: Smithsonian National Museum of the American Indian. (2018). Agricultural Terraces at Moray, Peru. Native Knowledge 360°. Retrieved August 31, 2025. https://americanindian.si.edu/nk360/inka-water/agricultural/agricultural


Figure 03: Mahajan, G. (2024). Rice Terraces of the Philippine Cordilleras. Alchetron. Retrieved August 31, 2025, from https://alchetron.com/Rice-Terraces-of-the-Philippine-Cordilleras


Figure 04: GeeksforGeeks. (2023). What are Johads and Khadins? GeeksforGeeks. Retrieved August 31, 2025, from https://www.geeksforgeeks.org/social-science/johads-and-khadins/


Figure 05: Farming Africa. (2014). Zai system overcomes desertification. Farming Africa. Retrieved August 31, 2025, from https://farmingafrica.net/2014/09/zai-system-overcomes-desertifacation


Figure 06: United Nations. (n.d.). Big data for sustainable development. United Nations. https://www.un.org/en/global-issues/big-data-for-sustainable-development


Figure 07: SOPA Images Limited. (2021, November 13). Demonstrators dressed in Indigenous clothing hold anti-climate change placards at Lincoln’s Inn Fields during the Lord Mayor’s Show protest in London, UK. Alamy Live News. Retrieved August 31, 2025, from https://www.alamy.com/london-uk-13th-nov-2021-demonstrators-dressed-in-indigenous-clothing-hold-anti-climate-change-placards-at-lincolns-inn-fields-during-the-protestextinction-rebellion-demonstrators-marched-through-the-city-disrupting-the-lord-mayors-show-in-protest-against-the-failure-of-the-cop26-climate-change-conference-the-lord-mayors-show-is-a-public-parade-marking-the-inauguration-of-the-new-lord-mayor-of-the-city-of-london-the-capitals-financial-district-credit-sopa-images-limitedalamy-live-news-image451306309.html



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Written by: Constance Bwire

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