The Social and Environmental Value of Green Spaces in Urban Environments

Urbanisation is commonly described as the process by which people move from rural to urban areas (Tisdale, 1942; Anderson, 1959; Leeds, 1979; Antrop, 2004; Kuddus et al., 2020), shaping both population dynamics and the built environment.

With over 50% of the world’s population living in cities — a proportion expected to rise to two-thirds by 2050 (Ritchie et al., 2024) — urbanisation and climate change present considerable socioeconomic and environmental challenges for urban green spaces, the open areas and vegetation within towns and cities (Semeraro et al., 2021; Paudel & States, 2023). By 2050, approximately 6.5 billion people are expected to be living in urban areas (ODI, 2018; Mirzahossein & Mohghaddam, 2021).

Urbanisation is a significant driver of the decline of green spaces in the United Kingdom (UK), with major effects on human health and wellbeing, water quality, and the environment (Miller & Hutchins, 2017; Apostolopoulou & Adams, 2019; de Zylva et al., 2020). This article will discuss the importance of urban green spaces in the UK, exploring how urban growth and climate change are impacting biodiversity, transforming natural landscapes, and reshaping urban life.

Figure 1: In the UK, allotments have become valuable green spaces for community activities and food cultivation as urbanisation continues (Barker, 2010).

The UK’s Urban Green Spaces

Green spaces in urban centres, such as allotments, gardens, and parks, provide “important ecological, environmental, and cultural benefits” (Paudel & States, 2023). They support the long-term health and well-being of both people and nature. In the UK, only about 5% of urban land is publicly accessible green space (Office for National Statistics, 2019). Though limited, these natural areas are vital as a network of multifunctional green infrastructure for city populations (Jones et al., 2022), offering spaces for leisure, recreation, and food cultivation. Researchers (Arnberger & Eder, 2012; Zhang et al., 2015; Hosseini et al., 2021) note that communities and individuals feel emotionally connected to these green spaces. Access to them enhances lifestyles by boosting mental health, encouraging physical activity, and creating environments for social interaction, which helps build social cohesion and a sense of belonging.

However, despite their crucial environmental and social roles (Kaźmierczak, 2013; Jennings & Bamkole, 2019; Clarke et al., 2023), urban green spaces face increasing threats from population growth, often being converted into housing and commercial sites (Boulton et al., 2018; Paudel & States, 2023). Over 80% of the UK population lives in cities, making it one of the most urbanised countries (Angel et al., 2011, cited in Miller & Hutchins, 2017), with this figure expected to reach 90% by 2050 (Keat et al., 2021, cited in Waugh, 2024). Rapid urbanisation increases energy use, puts pressure on supply chains, significantly alters natural landscapes, and leads to habitat loss (de Barros Ruas et al., 2022; Das et al., 2024). This intensifies climate change and raises concerns about ecological resilience and the future of food production (The Royal Society Science Policy Centre, 2014).

As of 2020, one in eight UK households has no garden (Office for National Statistics, 2020). This inequality in access to green space was further highlighted in The RHS State of Gardening Report 2025, which showed stark regional differences in gardening opportunities and in outdoor space availability (Royal Horticultural Society, 2025). Poor urban planning, especially when it limits green space access for vulnerable communities, can worsen health inequalities and increase exposure to air pollution (Gruebner et al., 2017; Misiak et al., 2025). This widening socioeconomic gap is known as the “green space gap” by Friends of the Earth (de Zylva et al., 2020).

Figure 2: Terraced houses and back gardens in Brithdir, Caerphilly, Wales — in the UK, one in eight households has no access to a garden (Drayton, 2013).

Starting with the Small Holdings and Allotments Act of 1908, which required local authorities in England and Wales to provide “a sufficient number of allotments, and let such allotments to persons”, a legal obligation was set for councils to provide land for allotments. Yet, allotment land in the UK has decreased by two-thirds since the mid-20th century (Dobson et al., 2020), largely due to commercial and residential development (Acton, 2011; Spilková & Vágner, 2016; Fletcher & Tilly, 2020). This decline has limited the opportunities for community engagement and growing produce locally (Edmondson et al., 2020; Kwartnik-Pruc & Droj, 2023). Recently, demand for allotments has surged, driven by increased public awareness of climate change, the importance of fresh food, and connections to nature and health (Bloomfield and Draycott, 2024). This has further heightened pressure on the limited availability of allotment land nationally.

The existence and expansion of urban green spaces in the UK have been threatened by factors such as local authority budget cuts (Mathers et al., 2015) and planning decisions that diminish the importance of community green spaces (Whitten, 2019). While the effective management and development of large public parks nurtures civic pride and fosters community cohesion (Crowe, 2018), more than a decade of ideologically driven austerity measures imposed on local authority spending by the national government has led to a significant decline in the upkeep of parks (Smith et al., 2023). As non-statutory services — not legally mandated — parks have been particularly vulnerable to budget cuts (Smith et al., 2023; Sou & Steele, 2025).

Furthermore, in an effort to achieve financial self-sufficiency or “balance the budget” (Konzelmann, 2012), as mandated by austerity measures, local authorities have increasingly transferred park management responsibilities to volunteer and community groups (West & Neiva, 2025). These groups often rely on unstable funding sources, such as private donations and competitive grant applications (West & Neiva, 2025). Consequently, the neglect of public parks by local authorities risks “a spiral of decline” similar to that witnessed during the funding cuts of the 1980s and 1990s (Environment, Transport and Regional Affairs Committee, 1999, cited in Smith et al., 2023), increasing the likelihood of non-governmental management to offset maintenance costs, thereby raising serious democratic and governance concerns (Daly et al., 2024).

Figure 3: The management of Leazes Park in the city of Newcastle upon Tyne, North East England, is one of many UK urban parks affected by severe local authority austerity measures (Brackenridge, 2009).

Green Infrastructure 

Urban green infrastructure refers to a strategically planned network of multifunctional green spaces and natural features integrated into the urban environment, such as buildings, rooftops, and streets. Land and water-based natural environments and features provide a range of environmental benefits by delivering multiple ecosystem services simultaneously (Kruize et al., 2019; McDonald et al., 2023), such as improving air and water quality, reducing flood risk, and mitigating urban heat (Parliamentary Office of Science and Technology, 2013; Climate Change Committee, 2019). Green infrastructure not only helps address the negative effects of urbanisation on urban ecosystems (Felappi et al., 2020) but also plays a critical role in climate change adaptation and enhancing individual health and wellbeing (Kadić et al., 2025).

London, the UK’s largest city, for example, boasts an extensive network of green infrastructure. Approximately 47% of Greater London is classified as green space (Knight et al., 2022), encompassing large and iconic parks, such as Richmond Park and Hyde Park, and innovative projects like green roof schemes (Jones & Somper, 2014) and wetland restoration (Sánchez et al., 2026). However, 21% of Londoners lack access to even a private garden (Office for National Statistics, 2020, cited in Mell & Whitten, 2024). In addition to its green infrastructure, the River Thames and its embankments form a vital part of the city’s blue-green infrastructure. Major initiatives, such as the River Thames Scheme (RTS), aim to improve the ecological health of the river whilst delivering broader environmental benefits through the integration of green infrastructure.

Across the UK and globally, these assets are increasingly threatened by urbanisation, contributing to pollution levels, detrimental human activity, and biodiversity loss (Houldon et al., 2021). Despite growing attention due to urban climate challenges, green infrastructure remains undervalued in urban planning due to factors such as policy inertia (Butt & Rigoni, 2025) and high implementation and maintenance costs (Steadman, 2023). This neglect contributes to fragmented ecosystems and has negative impacts on community health and wellbeing (Zuniga-Teran et al., 2020), risking the development of resilient and sustainable cities.

Between 1990 and 2015, Edinburgh, the Scottish capital, lost vegetated land equivalent to more than 15 football pitches each year, due in part to “urban creep”, the gradual replacement of green space with impermeable surfaces (UK Centre for Ecology & Hydrology, 2019). The long-term consequences for Edinburgh from the loss of green spaces — even those as small as private gardens, which are often lost to paving and driveways (Cameron, 2023) — are significant, as Scotland is projected to experience more rainfall and heavier downpours due to climate change (Adaptation Sub-Committee of the Committee on Climate Change, 2016). These extreme weather events overwhelm urban drainage systems, increasing Edinburgh’s risk of flash floods and causing damage to its infrastructure and historic buildings (Committee for Climate Change, 2022; O’Neill et al., 2022).

Figure 4: The 350-acre Hyde Park in central London — part of the 47% of the capital’s land area classified as green space, including areas of recreation, leisure, and nature (Massey & Greater London National Park City Initiative, 2015).

To strengthen Edinburgh’s urban greening, the city is proposing sustainable drainage systems (SuDS) and nature-based solutions to support its ageing sewer network (The City of Edinburgh Council, 2024). A major redevelopment of George Street in the city’s New Town area, scheduled to begin in 2027, aims to turn the central thoroughfare into a greener, sustainable space. The project will include landscaping, improving access for pedestrians and cyclists, and upgrading the street’s drainage by installing SuDs and street greenery (The City of Edinburgh Council, Transport and Environment Committee, 2025). 

Elsewhere in the capital, however, the management of green spaces — in a city considered the greenest in the UK (First Mile, 2019, cited in Wendelboe-Nelson et al., 2024) — has raised concerns. On Calton Hill in central Edinburgh, for example, the Calton Hill Conservation Trust has identified issues of poor maintenance, exposing the landmark to increased erosion and biodiversity loss (Carlton Conservation Trust, 2025). Human modification of the hill through “an over-zealous approach to grass-cutting” (McArthur, 2025) intended to create a tidy landscape has further exposed this and other urban green spaces in the city to erosion and long-term ecological damage.

Urban Gardening

Quinio & Rodrigues (2021) reported that 63 of the UK’s cities were responsible for emitting 45% of the country’s total greenhouse emissions. Climate change is a significant force driving urban centres to adopt greener and more sustainable lifestyles (Kapucu et al., 2024; Kumar et al., 2025). In the UK, rising temperatures and the increasing frequency of extreme weather events are forcing urban populations to adapt to new realities of environmental degradation (Environment Agency, Chief Scientist’s Group, 2021) and severe flooding (Miller & Hutchins, 2017), highlighting the urgent need for sustainable living.

As climate change intensifies, resource scarcity increasingly threatens the UK’s food security (Climate Change Committee, 2025). Due to multiple socioeconomic factors relating to production and import costs, the UK currently produces only 60% of the food it consumes (Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs, 2021, cited in Waugh, 2024a). Ongoing urbanisation exacerbates these pressures. Within the green infrastructure networks, urban green spaces play a crucial role in addressing these challenges by providing diverse landscapes for food production, promoting the sustainable use of natural resources, and reducing the carbon footprint of food transportation. Furthermore, they strengthen local resilience by encouraging community-based food systems, such as “food hubs”, which provide affordable food locally through collaboration and partnerships (Papargyropoulou et al., 2024).

Figure 5: An erosion emergency has been declared at Edinburgh’s Calton Hill due to topsoil loss caused, in part, by overzealous grass cutting and high tourist numbers (瑞丽江的河水, 2025).

Urban gardening, also known as urban agriculture, is the practice of cultivating small-scale crops within urban settings, including allotments, community gardens, rooftops, and private gardens. In the UK, these green areas have emerged as a sustainable alternative to conventional food production, offering social and economic benefits for urban communities (Fletcher & Tilly, 2020; Payen et al., 2022) and reflecting a broader global trend toward “individuals’ sustainability-related motivations” highlighted by Ribeiro et al. (2023). Moreover, urban gardening raises environmental awareness and stewardship, albeit in a concentrated area, by reconnecting people with nature and promoting sustainable practices such as water conservation, soil health management, and waste reduction (Cruz-Piedrahita et al., 2020; Thwaites et al., 2025). 

Rising food prices in the UK, driven by droughts, crop disease, and Brexit supply chain issues, stress the need for an affordable and reliable supply of fresh fruit and vegetables. Urban gardening is a sustainable alternative with the potential to improve food security by reducing the demand for imports and increasing community resilience during emergencies (Atmaja et al., 2021; Opoku et al., 2024). In a 2022 study, Walsh et al. (2022) estimated that the country’s urban green spaces have the growing conditions to produce between 20.70 and 22.41 metric tons (MT) of fresh fruit and vegetables annually, “compared with total average annual domestic production of 2.89 MT and imports of 56.40 MT”. However, its adoption is hindered by the declining availability of suitable urban land. For instance, a substantial decline in available allotment land during the post-war period has resulted in longer waiting lists and increased competition for remaining plots, when the popularity of urban gardening is rapidly growing (Dobson et al., 2020; Bloomfield & Draycott, 2024).

In conclusion, urban green spaces are integral to urban life, providing natural environments that enhance human health and wellbeing, while also offering critical environmental benefits for air quality, soil health, and water management. As urbanisation accelerates and the population grows in the UK, these green spaces become increasingly vital for creating resilient urban communities with access to areas for leisure, recreation, and food production. However, they remain threatened by monetary factors such as austerity measures and development pressures, making them essential yet vulnerable assets for the future of urban life, health, and sustainable development.

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Cover image: Lowry, L.S. (1946). The Park. [painting]. WikiArt. https://www.wikiart.org/en/l-s-lowry/the-park-1946

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Figure 2: Drayton, R. (2013). Terraced houses and back gardens, Brithdir - geograph.org.uk - 3533037. [photograph]. Wikimedia Commons. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Terraced_houses_and_back_gardens,_Brithdir_-_geograph.org.uk_-_3533037.jpg

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Figure 4: Massey, L. & Greater London National Park City Initiative (2015). Aerial photograph of Hyde Park, London. [photograph]. Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hyde_Park,_London#/media/File:Hyde_Park_London_from_the_air.jpg

Figure 5: 瑞丽江的河水. (2025). Calton Hill aerial photograph. [photograph]. Wikimedia Commons. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Category:Calton_Hill#/media/File:Calton_Hill_-_aerial_-_2025-04-18_02.jpg