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The Politics of the Common Good

Introduction

 

For over a decade, there has been a growing interest in ideas surrounding distributism, subsidiarity, and communitarianism, and these ideas are discussed regularly in contemporary discourse. This is not, however, a new development, and some of the philosophies surrounding distributism and subsidiarity have been influential on both the left and the right for many years, drawing from a mixture of religious and secular thinking. Indeed, some of this thinking has been pivotal in the developments underpinning international institutions such as the European Union, and in political movements across the West. This piece shall analyse the ideas and concepts behind these two intertwined but distinct political ideologies – distributism and subsidiarity – what they mean and their contemporary influence.


Distributism and subsidiarity

 

The term distributism was first used by the English writer Hillaire Belloc in his work, The Servile State (Belloc, 1912), an economic and political treatise which gives Belloc’s interpretation of the history of capitalism, and a critique of capitalism, socialism, and totalitarianism which would lead to what he termed The Servile State. Similar views are also put forward by G.K Chesterton (1910) in his book, What’s Wrong with the World. Distributism is an economic theory which bases its core tenants on the idea that the productive assets of the world should be widely owned rather than concentrated. It was influenced in particular by the encyclicals Rerum Novarum (Leo XIII, 1891) and Quadragesimo Anno (Pius XI, 1931), the former of which advocates private property, the dignity of the person, the common good, subsidiarity, the rights of association such as to form unions, and the preferential option for the poor, and the latter of which continues on this theme, pushing further on capital and labour for fair wages. It also addresses social order and criticises communism and socialism again in forceful terms – perhaps obviously, given the political events and the rise of political communism that had occurred between these two writings – and the conditions which caused it. Distributism has gone on to influence the development of Christian Democratic movements and ideas surrounding the Social Market Economy. Related concepts have also been advocated by anarchist writers such as Dorothy Day (1965) and the Catholic Worker Movement with its traditions of hospitality and justice (Dienes, 2008; Newman, 2015). In this sense, it is not an easy ideology to pin down on a straightforward left-right spectrum. It has been supported by those on the centre right and the centre left, by communitarians and social conservatives, by mutualists and even libertarian socialists. It has also influenced Australian political thought (Tregenza, 2001), where it can be seen as a means towards a third way economics (Howard, n.d.).

 

Distributism stands in opposition to both laissez-faire capitalism and state socialism and has advocates on both the right and left. Core amongst its tenants are support and endorsement of private property, redistribution of assets as widely in society as possible, the guild system, the banking system, the human family, subsidiarity, and social security. When considering private property, distributism advocates that this should be neither centralised by the state nor by large corporations, but rather distributed as widely as possible, with those who have their own property being able to live on and love the land they earn from (Leo XIII, 1891). Chesterton (1910) also sees it as a form of democracy. When considering the redistribution of assets, this again relates to assets being held by people from the broadest possible spread of society; not in the hands of a wealthy elite – the implication being free market capitalism – nor in the hands of a centralised state – the implication being of socialism. When considering the guild system, once again, distributism focuses on guilds and associations to regulate the relations between industries and sectors. With regards to banks, this theory would likewise advocate cooperative banks, mutuals, and credit unions as preferable to large private banks.


Figure 1: T. & R. Annan & Sons. (1910). Hilaire Belloc portrait by T. & R. Annan & Sons, vintage bromide print, 1910. https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/c/ca/Hilaire_Belloc_%28side_view%2C_1910%29.jpg
Figure 1: T. & R. Annan & Sons. (1910). Hilaire Belloc portrait by T. & R. Annan & Sons, vintage bromide print, 1910. https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/c/ca/Hilaire_Belloc_%28side_view%2C_1910%29.jpg

Related to this is the concept of subsidiarity. This is not the same as distributism, but is a component of it, and whilst a distinct concept which can be viewed separately, and will be explored in further detail below in relation to the European Union, it is a core part of the philosophical overview of distributism. Subsidiarity is the idea that matters of social and political importance should be dealt with at the most local level appropriate, and that issues should only be addressed on a higher level – such as a national or supranational body when considering politics and law – when that local level is not capable of dealing with them. This can be seen most notably in the aforementioned Quadragesimo Anno which comments that:

 

“Just as it is gravely wrong to take from individuals what they can accomplish by their own initiative and industry and give it to the community, so also it is an injustice and at the same time a grave evil and disturbance of right order to assign to a greater and higher association what lesser and subordinate organizations can do.”

(Pius XI, 1931, 79)

 

Further,

 

“The supreme authority of the State ought, therefore, to let subordinate groups handle matters and concerns of lesser importance, which would otherwise dissipate its efforts greatly. Thereby the State will more freely, powerfully, and effectively do all those things that belong to it alone because it alone can do them: directing, watching, urging, restraining, as occasion requires and necessity demands.”

(Pius XI, 1931, 80)

 

In terms of the human family, distributists such as Chesterton believed that the family requires nurturing (Ahlquist, 2011). This relates to private property and subsidiarity – that all should have the right to a home, and that the closer levels of society, whether that be family or community, should take priority over the higher levels, such as the state, where possible.


Figure 2: Perscheid, Nicola. (1923). Nicola Perscheid. Porträt von Papst Pius XI. Photograph of Pius XI by Nicola Perscheid. Nicola Perscheid. Ritratto di papa Pio XI. https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/f9/Pius_XI%2C_by_Nicola_Perscheid_%28retouched%29.jpg
Figure 2: Perscheid, Nicola. (1923). Nicola Perscheid. Porträt von Papst Pius XI. Photograph of Pius XI by Nicola Perscheid. Nicola Perscheid. Ritratto di papa Pio XI. https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/f9/Pius_XI%2C_by_Nicola_Perscheid_%28retouched%29.jpg

What can therefore be seen throughout all of these ideas is an almost communitarian fusion of both left and right. Private property, but distributed as widely as possible. Fair wages, but the ability to earn. The right of association, advocating unions, mutuals, and guilds. Decisions being made at the most local level possible, unless a higher authority is essential. Those who lean more to the left may interpret this through the lens of libertarian socialism or guild socialism; those who lean more to the right may interpret it more through the lens of the social market economy and social capitalism. The influence of distributism and subsidiarity in contemporary politics will, therefore, be analysed in the following section.

 

The contemporary influence of distributism

 

If we look through modern history, these concepts are present in the developments of postwar politics in Western Europe. This includes parties and political movements on both the right and the left. The CEO of the Royal Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufactures and Commerce (RSA), Andy Haldane, spoke in his annual lecture in January 2025 of social capital and how a new model of capitalism, social capitalism, can be built, addressing issues such as low growth, stalled mobility, loneliness and crumbling communities (The RSA, 2025). All of this feeds into the concepts mentioned above in terms of the importance of community and addressing civic issues, and of moving beyond a purely laissez-faire model of capitalism.

 

Firstly, on the right, these ideas influenced the development of European Christian Democratic Parties. In Germany, the principal example of this is the CDU (Christlich Demokratische Union Deutschlands - Christian Democratic Union of Germany) (Christlich Demokratische Union Deutschlands, n.d) and, in the Netherlands, the CDA (Christen-Democratisch Appèl – Christian Democratic Appeal) (CDA, n.d.). Whilst in the case of the CDA, the ideology is built on principles including communitarianism, stewardship, solidarity, distributed justice, and public justice, and the CDU draws on these Catholic social teachings and political Catholicism as well as political Protestantism, but also economic liberalism and national conservatism, one can still see the link between these early ideas surrounding distributism.

 

A more recent example in the Netherlands was the new party, the NSC, Nieuw Sociaal Contract – New Social Contract – set up by Pieter Omtzigt. It was part of the outgoing Dutch coalition government and has been variously considered centrist, centre-right, and Christian Democratic. Its focuses include personalism, virtue ethics, communitarianism, and the social market economy (Partijbureau Nieuw Sociaal Contract, 2025; Nieuw Sociaal Contract 2023).

 

One interesting dimension one can also see, when assessing political thinking in a contemporary European context, and linking to how one understands the social market economy in the European political economy, is that of ‘Varieties of Capitalism’ (Hall and Soskice, 2001a; 2001b). There is a significant body of work which has developed around these ideas, beginning with early ideas surrounding comparative capitalisms from Albert (1991; 1993), and developed to this day, but the work from Hall and Soskice (2001a; 2001b) is seminal. Following the end of the Cold War, these surrounding ideas see two different forms of capitalism as opposed to one—an American form and a Rhine form. Hall and Soskice (2001a; 2001b) identify two distinct models of capitalist market economies: a liberal market economy and a coordinated market economy. In this model (Hall and Soskice, 2001a), an example of the liberal market economy is a country such as the United States of America, and an example of a coordinated market economy is a country such as Germany. In this sense, the liberal market economy and the coordinated market economy can be broadly mapped onto these American and Rhine forms of capitalism. In this proposition, the institutional environments affect the ways in which firms coordinate based on the different types of economy, these being industrial relations, vocational training and education, corporate governance, inter-firm relations, and the relationships between employees and firms (Hall and Soskice 2001a). In a liberal market economy, such as the USA, activities are, for the most part, coordinated via hierarchies and competitive market arrangements, and there is an arm’s-length exchange of goods or services via competition, formal contracting, and signals from the markets (Hall and Soskice 2001a). In a coordinated market economy, such as Germany, there is a higher reliance on coordinating with other actors so that core competencies and greater collaborative, as opposed to competitive, relationships within networks are constructed so that core competencies are developed (Hall and Soskice, 2001a).


Figure 3: Hughes, Cornelius Jabez. (1878). Earl of Beaconsfield, K.G. Photographed at Osborne by Command of H.M. The Queen, July 22, 1878 [Benjamin Disraeli (1804–1881)], 1878, Glossy collodion print on card. https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/0c/Benjamin_Disraeli_by_Cornelius_Jabez_Hughes%2C_1878.jpg
Figure 3: Hughes, Cornelius Jabez. (1878). Earl of Beaconsfield, K.G. Photographed at Osborne by Command of H.M. The Queen, July 22, 1878 [Benjamin Disraeli (1804–1881)], 1878, Glossy collodion print on card. https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/0c/Benjamin_Disraeli_by_Cornelius_Jabez_Hughes%2C_1878.jpg

This can be seen through the social market economy, upon which these parties also rely to a large extent. In this sense, the laissez-faire liberal ideas presented in Anglosphere capitalism are contrasted with the Rhine model of capitalism, upon which political thinking in countries such as Germany is built. In these contexts, business and the state are not seen as oppositional, but interconnected. Workers sit on boards. There is a strong connection between labour unions and the state. A regulated market economy. Yet, despite this, these ideas are still seen as centre to centre right. This is not socialism or free market capitalism; it occupies a different space. Linking distributism and the social market economy to varieties of capitalism, therefore, can help identify a coordinated market economy.

 

In the United Kingdom, ideas surrounding distributism and, more broadly, a mixture of conservatism and communitarianism have also been seen through ideas such as post-liberalism (Pabst, 2021a; 2021b) and Red Toryism (Blond, 2010) on the right. Post-liberalism does not entail pure individualism and eroding the dignity of the person, but is rather “about recovering agency and dignity against the deterministic logic lurking behind contemporary liberalism" (Pabst, 2021a, Paragraph 8). Rather than focusing on the autonomy of the individual, it centres around mutual help and obligation; rather than focusing on the relationship between the market and the state it focuses on the intermediary institutions constituting society (Pabst, 2021a) – the link to distributism here is clear, through civic associations, guilds, and other connecting intermediaries. This can be seen as a centre-right, socially conservative, communitarian political tradition, which ties in with ideas such as One Nation Conservatism (Disraeli, 1845). This idea has been espoused most notably by Disraeli (1845), promoting social cohesion and social obligations, rather than industrialisation and inequality that create class divide, something picked up on later in Rerum Novarum (1891). From the perspective of Disraeli (1845) there were not two nations, the rich and the poor, but one nation.

 

On the left, this can be seen in particular through ideas such as mutualism, communitarianism, the co-operative movement, and Guild Socialism. One such example is that of Blue Labour (Glasman, 2022), an idea founded by the political philosopher Maurice Glasman. A group of politicians who espouse this Blue Labour philosophy, led by Dan Carden MP, currently sits within the current Labour Government in the United Kingdom (Maguire, 2025; Rodgers and Scotson, 2025). This idea advocates a combination of social and cultural conservative values combined with left-leaning ideas surrounding workers’ rights and economic policy, whilst originally standing in opposition to New Labour and to the Left, focusing on issues surrounding patriotism and local and community solidarity as opposed to bureaucratic collectivism and neoliberalism. It also draws on earlier work on the tenants behind Blue Labour philosophy and what might be broadly considered the wider conservative communitarian left including Davis (2011), Avis (2014), Geary and Pabst (2015), Embery (2020), and Cruddas (2021).


Whilst some of the other movements within distributist and communitarian thinking, whether on the left or the right, draw particularly on Catholic Social Teachings, Glasman also draws inspiration from the Bund, a secular Jewish Socialist Party in pre-war Eastern Europe and Russia, the 19th Century German Rabbi Samson Raphael Hirsch, and the campaign from Jewish trade unions for a Family Wage in the East End of London (Russell, 2012a; 2012b). The Bund provided influence and inspiration through its concern with the beautiful things which are done together such as music, literature, and art, fostering solidarity with the poor (Russell, 2012a; 2012b). Rabbi Hirsch provided influence and inspiration through his concept of Torah im Derech ertz, placing an emphasis on the importance of worldly involvement so as to realise the values of the Torah (Russell, 2012a; 2012b). If the Bund represents the left-wing side of this, Hirsch represents the conservative side, such as honouring of parents and children and a moral concern so that genuine relationships are built (Russell, 2012a; 2012b). The campaign from Jewish trade unions for a Family Wage in the East End of London draws in the concept of menschlichikeit (integrity) – that you should pay people enough to live, a core demand of these trade unions (Russell, 2012a; 2012b). He also draws on the idea of the kehilla (congregation) as a meaningful conception of the community, self-organised institutions, and civic engagement (Russell, 2012a; 2012b), so important in this discussion around distributism or Blue Labour (or, indeed, on the other side, Red Tory). This has led to the engagement of Glasman to work with Jewish institutions in the UK in community organising alongside Christians and Muslims to campaign for a living wage and affordable housing (Russell, 2012a; 2012b). Similarly, Saul Alinsky, the Jewish academic and activist involved in community organising in Chicago in the 1930s, provided a further inspiration to Glasman (Russell, 2012a; 2012b). He has also written favourably about the conservative philosopher Roger Scruton (Glasman, 2021), again perhaps showing the synergy between the left and the right on these issues.

 

The idea that society should not be purely individualistic but rather connected via civic society, civic associations and institutions, and through a common bond also extends beyond pure politics and into wider discussions around culture. One example of this might be the former manager of the England Football Club, Gareth Southgate. In his Letter to England (Southgate, 2021), he observes that whilst the country and the team are diverse, when watching sport, the country is patriotic and unified, sharing in the victories and the disappointments. There is a unifying element, perhaps drawing together of left and right, as one nation rather than two. These broader connections to culture, identity, and civic society could be explored further.

 

Subsidiarity and the European Union

 

An example of subsidiarity in a contemporary context is the European Union, with subsidiarity being an underlying principle written into the foundational documents of the EU. This principle was enshrined by the Treaty on European Union formally, and signed in 1992, with the Treaty on European Union including a reference to the principle in the Treaty establishing the European Community, signed in 1986 (Maciejewski, 2025). This shall be examined in the following section.

 

The general aim of subsidiarity is defined by Maciejewski (2025, Paragraph 6) as “to guarantee a degree of independence for a lower authority in relation to a higher body or for a local authority in relation to central government. It therefore involves the sharing of powers between several levels of authority, a principle which forms the institutional basis for federal states.” In the context of the European Union, subsidiarity regulates the exercise of the non-exclusive powers of the Union and rules out intervention by the Union where issues can be dealt with effectively by Member States, whether that be at a central, regional, or local level (Maciejewski, 2025). In this sense, it serves to ensure that the Union is only justified in exercising its powers when Member States are unable to achieve the objectives of a proposed action, and that added value can be given if it is carried out at the level of the Union (Maciejewski, 2025).


Figure 5: Sebastian. (2025). Glass Facade of European Parliament in Strasbourg. https://www.pexels.com/photo/glass-facade-of-european-parliament-in-strasbourg-31513702/
Figure 5: Sebastian. (2025). Glass Facade of European Parliament in Strasbourg. https://www.pexels.com/photo/glass-facade-of-european-parliament-in-strasbourg-31513702/

This is defined in Article 5(3) of the Treaty on European Union, which “aims to ensure that decisions are taken at the closest possible level to the citizen and that constant checks are made to verify that action at the European Union (EU) level is justified in light of the possibilities available at the national, regional or local level” (European Union, n.d., Paragraph 1). Foremost in this is “the principle whereby the EU does not take action (except in the areas that fall within its exclusive jurisdiction), unless it is more effective than action taken at the national, regional or local level” European Union, n.d., Paragraph 2). The two relevant protocols, annexed to the Treaty of Lisbon, are Protocol No 1 and Protocol No 2. Protocol No 1 (European Union, n.d.; European Union 2016a; European Union 2016b) is on the role of national parliaments and encourages their greater involvement in the activities of the EU. Protocol No 2 (European Union n.d.; European Union 2016a; European Union 2016c) requires that the regional and local dimension of all draft legislative acts be taken into account by the European Commission and that a detailed statement be made on how the principle of subsidiarity is respected with national parliaments being allowed to object to a proposal if it breaches this principles (European Union n.d.).

 

Indeed, Article 5 of the Treaty of the European Union explains how the Union shall not act upon competences not conferred upon in the Treaties, with these rather being with the Member States, and that “Under the principle of subsidiarity, in areas which do not fall within its exclusive competence, the Union shall act only if and in so far as the objectives of the proposed action cannot be sufficiently achieved by the Member States, either at central level or at regional and local level, but can rather, by reason of the scale or effects of the proposed action, be better achieved at Union level” (European Union 2016a, 20).

 

Concluding Thoughts

 

This piece has attempted to outline the history of political thought surrounding distributism and subsidiarity. As well as describing the underlying principles of this thinking, it has also explored some of the ways this has been translated into contemporary political movements on both the right and the left. What can therefore be seen is the strong influence that ideas surrounding distributism and subsidiarity have had on contemporary political thought, and on the development of political parties and institutions across Europe. This is a legacy which continues to develop today, and which is gaining renewed traction amidst discussions surrounding post-liberalism and communitarianism. Further, when one considers contemporary societal challenges, the breakdown between generations, the fragmentation of communities, and the stark difference between urban centres and peripheries, an understanding which draws away from the concept of two nations, and focuses on the connections between communities whilst maintaining local agency, may be worth pursuing.

 

Bibliographical References

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Belloc, H. (1912). The Servile State. T.N. Foulis. https://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/64882/pg64882-images.html.

 

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Pabst, A. (2021a). How Christian is Postliberalism? Together for the Common Good. Retrieved May 21, 2025, from https://togetherforthecommongood.co.uk/leading-thinkers/how-christian-is-postliberalism.

 

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Tregenza, I. (2021). The “Servile State” Down Under: Hilaire Belloc and Australian Political Thought, 1912–53. Journal of the History of Ideas, 82(2), 305–327. https://doi.org/10.1353/jhi.2021.0015.

 

Visual References

Cover Image: Gahlbeck, Friedrich. (1990). Dessau, CDU-Wahlkundgebung, Publikum ADN-Friedrich Gahlbeck 24 25.9.90 wü Bez. Halle: CDU-Wahlkundgebung in Dessau. Mit scharz-rot-goldenen Fahnen und "Helmut, Helmut"-Rufen empfingen die über 20.000 Teilnehmer Bundeskanzler Helmut Kohl. This file is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 Germany license. Attribution: Bundesarchiv, Bild 183-1990-0925-024 / CC-BY-SA 3.0 https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/7/7c/Bundesarchiv_Bild_183-1990-0925-024%2C_Dessau%2C_CDU-Wahlkundgebung%2C_Publikum_%28cropped%29.jpg.


Figure 1: T. & R. Annan & Sons. (1910). Hilaire Belloc portrait by T. & R. Annan & Sons, vintage bromide print, 1910. https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/c/ca/Hilaire_Belloc_%28side_view%2C_1910%29.jpg.

 

Figure 2: Perscheid, Nicola. (1923). Nicola Perscheid. Porträt von Papst Pius XI. Photograph of Pius XI by Nicola Perscheid. Nicola Perscheid. Ritratto di papa Pio XI. https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/f9/Pius_XI%2C_by_Nicola_Perscheid_%28retouched%29.jpg.

 

Figure 3: Hughes, Cornelius Jabez. (1878). Earl of Beaconsfield, K.G. Photographed at Osborne by Command of H.M. The Queen, July 22, 1878 [Benjamin Disraeli (1804–1881)], 1878, Glossy collodion print on card. https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/0c/Benjamin_Disraeli_by_Cornelius_Jabez_Hughes%2C_1878.jpg.

 

Figure 4: Unknown author. (Before 1889). Samson Raphael Hirsch. https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/d/d1/Samson_Raphael_Hirsch_%28FL12173324%29.crop.jpg.

 

Figure 5: Sebastian. (2025). Glass Facade of European Parliament in Strasbourg. https://www.pexels.com/photo/glass-facade-of-european-parliament-in-strasbourg-31513702/.


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