top of page
Writer's picturealioanasorina

The Gendered Reality of Prostitution: Insights and Implications

According to John Philip Jenkins, prostitution is "the practice of engaging in relatively indiscriminate sexual activity, typically with someone who is not a spouse or a friend, in exchange for immediate payment of money or other valuables" (Jenkins, 1999). This transactional nature of the relationship distinguishes prostitution from other forms of sexual relationships, which may be based on emotional connections or mutual consent without financial compensation. 

The scope of prostitution is vast, and it represents a significant aspect of the global economy, particularly within the informal sector. The estimation of 40-42 million prostitutes worldwide highlights the pervasive nature of this practice across different cultures and societies. Among these, approximately 80% are female, indicating a gendered dimension to the industry (Goldmann, 2011). This disproportionate representation of women in prostitution underscores the intersection of gender, economic disparity, and power dynamics within the global sex trade. The high prevalence of women in prostitution can be attributed to various socio-economic factors. These include poverty, lack of education, limited employment opportunities, and socio-cultural norms that may devalue women's labor outside of the sex industry (Moran & Farley, 2019)Additionally, human trafficking and coercion play significant roles, with many women being forced or deceived into prostitution.


Hence, this article attempts to convey the complex interplay between gender, socio-economic factors, and the legal context of prostitution. Looking primarily through a gender lens, it is an overview of contemporary debates, ultimately highlighting the need for policies that not only protect sex workers but also address the broader systemic inequalities that drive individuals into prostitution.

Figure 1. Salon de la rue des Moulins, ( Henri de Toulouse-Lautrec, 1894)
Legal and Social Frameworks 

Prostitution exists within a complex legal and social framework that varies widely across different countries and regions. In some places, prostitution is legalized and regulated, with measures in place to ensure the health and safety of sex workers. In other areas, it remains criminalized, which often drives the practice underground, increasing the vulnerability of those involved to exploitation, violence, and health risks. Efforts to address the issues surrounding prostitution are multifaceted. They range from advocating for the decriminalization and regulation of the industry to enhance the rights and protections of sex workers, to implementing social programs aimed at providing alternative livelihoods and reducing the economic pressures that lead individuals into prostitution.


Models of U.S. environments for prostitution have influenced global approaches to managing and regulating the sex industry. These models offer frameworks that balance legality, public morality, and health and safety concerns. Each model presents distinct advantages and challenges, shaping how societies perceive and handle prostitution (Reynolds, 1986). 


  1. Laissez-faire Model: In the laissez-faire approach, prostitution is technically illegal but widely tolerated by law enforcement. This model often results in an informal, underground market where sex work persists despite legal prohibitions. While this model can offer a degree of freedom to sex workers, it also exposes them to significant risks, including violence, exploitation, and a lack of access to health services. The absence of regulation can lead to unsafe working conditions and difficulty accessing legal recourse for abuses (Reynolds, 1986). 

  2. Regulation Model: The regulation model legalizes prostitution but imposes strict controls to monitor and manage the industry. This includes mandatory health checks, licensing, and designated areas for sex work. Countries like Germany and the Netherlands employ this model, aiming to protect sex workers' health and rights while reducing illegal activities. However, the effectiveness of regulation depends on robust implementation and enforcement. Critics argue that even regulated systems can fail to protect the most vulnerable and may inadvertently marginalize those who do not or cannot comply with the regulations (Reynolds, 1986). 

  3. Control Model: The control model emphasizes rigorous law enforcement to suppress visible prostitution. Authorities actively pursue and penalize both sex workers and clients, aiming to eliminate prostitution from public view. This approach often leads to the criminalization and stigmatization of sex workers, pushing the industry further underground and exacerbating risks. Sex workers in such environments face increased harassment from law enforcement, reduced access to health services, and greater vulnerability to violence and exploitation (Reynolds, 1986). 

  4. Zoning Model: The zoning model permits prostitution within designated areas, often referred to as "red-light districts." This approach attempts to contain and regulate the industry within specific geographic boundaries, making it easier to provide health and social services to sex workers. Cities like Amsterdam are famous for their red-light districts, where sex work is legal and regulated within defined zones. Zoning can help concentrate resources and support services, but it can also lead to the isolation and stigmatization of sex workers confined to these areas (Reynolds, 1986). 

Figure 2. After the Bath - Woman drying herself (Edgar Degas, 1890-5).
Policy Approaches  

The debate around policies for prostitution revolves around whether it should be regarded as legitimate work that requires better regulation or as a form of exploitation that must be eradicated while protecting those affected. This complex issue pits arguments for workers' rights and safety against concerns about exploitation and societal harm. 

One policy approach is the "Nordic model," which criminalizes the act of buying sex to reduce demand while decriminalizing the act of selling sex. This model aims to enable those selling sex to seek help from the police without fear of prosecution. By targeting the demand side, the Nordic model seeks to reduce the prevalence of prostitution while offering support and resources to sex workers to help them exit the industry (Berlin & Spagnolo, 2019). Critics of this model argue that it may push the industry further underground, making it harder to reach and support sex workers, but proponents believe it strikes a balance between reducing harm and providing protection. 


In 2016, Amnesty International released a policy document advocating for the protection of sex workers' rights, asserting that states should safeguard their human rights (Amnesty International, 2016, 26 May). The policy recommends the decriminalization of all aspects of sex work, including selling, buying, and organizing. Amnesty argues that decriminalization is the best way to ensure the safety of sex workers, providing them with legal protection and access to health and social services. This approach emphasizes the need to protect sex workers from violence, exploitation, and coercion, and to ensure they have the autonomy to leave the industry if they choose (Amnesty International, 2016). Opponents of this view worry that decriminalization may normalize and perpetuate the industry, but supporters believe it addresses the immediate needs and rights of sex workers more effectively. 


The policy brief "Inequalities and the Post-2015 Development Agenda" focuses on reducing local and global inequalities (UNRISD, 2012). Since those involved in prostitution often come from marginalized groups with limited options, policies that directly address inequality could lead to a decrease in prostitution. This perspective highlights the intersection of economic disparity, social marginalization, and prostitution. By addressing root causes such as poverty, lack of education, and gender inequality, it is believed that fewer individuals would be compelled to enter the sex trade. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) include multiple objectives aimed at creating a more equitable world. For instance, SDG 5 aims to "Achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls," which addresses the underlying gender inequalities that contribute to prostitution (UN, 2015a). Similarly, SDG 10 seeks to "Reduce inequality within and among countries," targeting broader economic and social disparities (UN, 2015b). By focusing on these goals, policymakers hope to create a more just and equitable society, thereby reducing the factors that drive individuals into prostitution. 

Figure 3. Olympia (Édouard Manet, 1863)
The Role of Gender and Theoretical Debates 

Prostitution cannot be fully understood without considering the broader societal context, particularly the role and perception of women. Historically, women have often been categorized into dichotomous stereotypes: virginal and marriageable, or whorish and disposable (Bullough & Bullough, 1987). These entrenched views reflect and perpetuate a societal framework that devalues and objectifies women, influencing how prostitution is perceived and treated. The issue of consent is paramount in discussions about prostitution, yet it is a concept that is often compromised in this context. Consent relies on three essential conditions: the freedom to choose a sexual partner, the freedom to choose the nature of the sexual relationship, and the freedom to choose the timing of sexual activity (Moran & Farley, 2019). In the context of prostitution, these conditions are frequently unmet, raising significant ethical and moral concerns. Prostituted sex is, by its nature, coerced sex, with money acting as the coercive force. Men who engage in commercial sex transactions are aware that the woman does not genuinely desire the sex; it is something that must be bought with cash. This dynamic underscores a form of coercion where financial necessity drives women to engage in sexual activities they might not otherwise choose (Moran & Farley, 2019). 


Moran and Farley (2019) challenge the notion that prostitution is a freely made choice for most women. They emphasize that very few women enter prostitution from a position of safety, equality, and genuine alternatives. Instead, they highlight the significant impact of intersectional inequalities, arguing that race and ethnicity exacerbate the vulnerability of already marginalized women. These intersecting inequalities are fundamental to the institution of prostitution (Moran & Farley, 2019). This perspective is reflected in the 1999 Swedish law on prostitution, which addressed these disparities by emphasizing the disproportionate impact on marginalized women and girls. Minister for Gender Equality Margareta Winberg underscored this issue by questioning whether society should accept the treatment of economically and ethnically marginalized women and girls as a lower class destined to serve men's sexual needs (Moran & Farley, 2019). Nevertheless, the societal stigma attached to sex work exacerbates the vulnerabilities of those involved. The dichotomous view of women as either virtuous or immoral not only dehumanizes sex workers but also justifies their mistreatment and marginalization. This stigmatization often leads to further social and economic exclusion, creating a cycle of vulnerability and exploitation (Bullough & Bullough, 1987).

Figure 4. Les demoiselles d'Avignon (Pablo Picasso, 1907).

Liberal feminists argue for the recognition of prostitution as a regular profession, advocating that sex work should be seen as a legitimate form of employment. They often emphasize the notion of individual freedom of choice, suggesting that many sex workers engage in this profession of their own volition. According to this perspective, sex workers are viewed as self-determined and empowered individuals who capitalize on male sexual desires to earn a living. This choice is seen as a means for women to gain financial independence from men, challenging traditional economic dependencies and asserting their autonomy (Cruz, 2018). If prostitution were treated like any other industry, the state would have a vested interest in maintaining and regulating it to ensure safe and fair working conditions, proper taxation, and legal protections for sex workers (Beran, 2012). For liberal feminists, the idea of recognizing prostitution as legitimate work is intertwined with broader struggles for workers' rights and women's economic empowerment. They argue that criminalization and stigmatization of sex work push it underground, where sex workers are more vulnerable to violence, exploitation, and health risks. Legalization and regulation, they assert, would allow sex workers to work in safer environments, access health care and social services, and enjoy labor protections similar to those in other industries. This approach also includes advocating for the decriminalization of clients and third parties involved in the industry, which could reduce the power imbalances and abuses that thrive in the shadows of illegality (Cruz, 2018). 


On the other hand, Marxist feminists contend that sex work can never be equated with regular work due to the inherently violent and exploitative nature of the sex industry. They argue that prostitution is inseparable from the historical, material, and social oppression that women have endured since the inception of class society (Bhattacharya, 2016). From this viewpoint, the commodification of sex exacerbates the demographic and power imbalances between the seller and the consumer. The seller is typically female, representing the oppressed sex, while the buyer is nearly always male, representing the oppressing sex. This imbalance is viewed as inherently violent and misogynistic, rooted in a long history of gender-based oppression (Farley, 2018). Marxist feminists highlight that the conditions under which most sex work occurs are far from the idealized notion of free choice. They argue that economic coercion, social inequality, and the lack of viable employment alternatives often drive women into prostitution. From this perspective, the concept of choice is deeply flawed when structural inequalities severely constrain the choices available. Marxist feminists advocate for broader societal changes that address these underlying conditions, such as improving access to education, creating equitable employment opportunities, and dismantling patriarchal structures that perpetuate gender inequality (Bhattacharya, 2016). Furthermore, Marxist feminists emphasize that the normalization of sex work can contribute to the broader commodification of women's bodies and reinforce patriarchal norms that view women primarily through the lens of their sexual availability to men. They argue that this commodification perpetuates a culture of objectification and exploitation that undermines the struggle for gender equality. By opposing the normalization and legalization of prostitution, Marxist feminists seek to challenge the systemic inequalities that make sex work a prevalent option for many women and to promote a vision of a society where women are not compelled to sell their bodies to survive (Farley, 2018). 

Figure 5. The Procuress (Johannes Vermeer, 1656)
Gender-Based Violence 

The debate is further complicated by the intersection of other social factors, such as race, class, and migration status. Many sex workers belong to marginalized communities and face multiple layers of discrimination and disadvantage. According to the United Nations resolution 48/104, "violence against women is a manifestation of historically unequal power relations between men and women, which have led to domination over and discrimination against women by men and to the prevention of the full advancement of women" (UN General Assembly, 1993). This statement underscores the deep-rooted gender inequalities that contribute to various forms of gender-based violence (GBV), including those experienced by women in the sex industry. GBV is underreported globally, but data on GBV among prostitutes and sex workers is even scarcer. This underreporting is partly due to societal attitudes that dismiss the experiences of sex workers. For instance, there is a pervasive notion that "a working prostitute can't be a victim of rape," which undermines their credibility and the seriousness of their claims (Arax, 1986). The illegality of prostitution in many countries exacerbates this issue, as sex workers are often reluctant to report crimes due to fear of legal repercussions and stigmatization (Ahmad, 2001). 


However, the very nature of the sex industry makes prostitutes particularly susceptible to GBV, irrespective of the legal status of their work. Farley (2004) argues that traditional consumer risk models, where the product is considered the primary source of risk to the consumer, do not apply effectively to prostitution. Traditional consumer risk models typically view the product itself as a potential source of harm to the consumer. For example, in the case of a faulty electronic device, the consumer risks injury from using it. However, Farley (2004) emphasizes that this framework is insufficient when applied to prostitution. In prostitution, the woman is commodified, and the inherent risks are predominantly borne by her, not by the consumer (the sex buyer) or the intermediary (the pimp). These risks include sexual harassment, exploitation, rape, and violence akin to torture. Farley (2004) challenges the misconception that prostitution is merely consensual sex between adults, arguing that financial transactions are the coercive factor driving this so-called consent. In a 2001 study conducted in Vancouver, Canada, staggering statistics revealed the extent of violence faced by prostitutes: 83.1% had been harassed, 70.5% physically threatened, 53.7% robbed, 45.8% forced to have sex against their will, and 33.1% had survived attempts on their lives (Cunningham & Christensen, 2001). These alarming rates of violence indicate that sex workers operate in a highly dangerous environment where their safety and well-being are constantly at risk. 

Figure 6. A Bar at the Folies-Bergère (Édouard Manet, 1882).

Despite the high incidence of GBV among sex workers, there are significant barriers to seeking help and accessing rescue services. Farley (2004) vividly describes the inescapable nature of abuse in prostitution, stating, "In prostitution, there is no avoiding sexual harassment, sexual exploitation, rape, and acts that are the equivalent of torture" (p. 1093). This pervasive violence is compounded by the lack of legal protection and the frequent impunity of perpetrators, further marginalizing sex workers and perpetuating a cycle of abuse. The systemic failure to protect sex workers and address the violence they endure suggests that prostitution is more of a tragedy than a trade. The normalization of violence against sex workers and the societal and legal structures that ignore their plight contribute to a grim reality where prostitution and GBV coexist. This highlights the urgent need for comprehensive legal and social reforms that not only decriminalize sex work but also provide robust protections and support systems for sex workers. Addressing these issues is crucial for ensuring the safety, dignity, and human rights of those involved in the sex industry (UN General Assembly, 1993; Arax, 1986; Ahmad, 2001; Farley, 2004; Cunningham & Christensen, 2001). 


Conclusion 

Prostitution is a multifaceted issue reflecting deep-seated socio-economic and gender-based inequalities. Legal and policy approaches vary widely, impacting the safety and rights of sex workers in different ways. The debate over whether prostitution should be treated as legitimate work or as an exploitative industry requiring eradication highlights the complex interplay between individual autonomy and systemic coercion. Addressing prostitution requires a nuanced understanding of these dynamics, considering both legal reforms and broader socio-economic changes aimed at reducing inequality and protecting the rights and safety of those involved. Comprehensive reforms and societal shifts are crucial for transforming prostitution from a tragic reality into a more just and equitable issue, ensuring the dignity and human rights of all individuals. 


Bibliographic References 

Ahmad, K. (2001). Call for the decriminalization of prostitution in Asia. The Lancet, 358(9276), 643. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(01)06147-2


Amnesty International. (2016). Amnesty International Policy on State Obligations to Respect, Protect and Fulfill the Human Rights of Sex Workers. Retrieved from https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/pol30/4062/2016/en/


Arax, M. (1986, April 24). Judge says the law doesn't protect prostitutes, drops rape count. Los Angeles Times, pp. 1-2.


Berlin, P. M., & Spagnolo, G. (2019). The Nordic model of prostitution legislation. Free Network. Retrieved from https://freepolicybriefs.org/2019/04/21/the-nordic-model-of-prostitution-legislation-health-violence-and-spillover-effects/


Beran, K. (2012). Revisiting the prostitution debate: Uniting liberal and radical feminism in pursuit of policy reform. Minnesota Journal of Law & Inequality, 30(1), 1-20.


Bhattacharya, M. (2016). Neither ‘free’ nor ‘equal’ work: A Marxist-feminist perspective on prostitution. ANTYAJAA: Indian Journal of Women and Social Change, 1(1), 82-92. https://doi.org/10.1177/2455632716637914


Bullough, V. L., & Bullough, B. (1987). Women and prostitution: A social history (p. 89). Prometheus Books.


Cruz, K. (2018). Beyond liberalism: Marxist feminism, migrant sex work, and labour unfreedom. Feminist Legal Studies, 26(1), 65–92. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10691-018-9370-7


Cunningham, L. C., & Christensen, C. (2001). Violence against women in Vancouver's street-level sex trade and the police response. PACE Society.


Farley, M. (2004). "Bad for the body, bad for the heart": Prostitution harms women even if legalized or decriminalized. Violence Against Women, 10(10), 1087–1125. https://doi.org/10.1177/1077801204268600


Farley, M. (2003). Prostitution and the invisibility of harm. Women & Therapy, 26(3-4), 247-280. https://doi.org/10.1300/J015v26n03_02


Farley, M. (2018). Risks of prostitution: When the person is the product. Journal of the Association for Consumer Research, 3(1), 97-108. https://doi.org/10.1086/695670


Goldmann, C. (2011). Current assessment of the state of prostitution. Paris: Fondation Scelles.


Jenkins, P. (1999). Controlling vice: Regulating brothel prostitution in St. Paul 1865-1883. University of Minnesota Press.


Moran, R., & Farley, M. (2019). Consent, coercion, and culpability: Is prostitution stigmatized work or an exploitative and violent practice rooted in sex, race, and class inequality? Archives of Sexual Behavior, 48(7), 1947-1953. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10508-019-01535-5


Reynolds, H. (1986). The economics of prostitution (p. 15). CC Thomas.


United Nations. (2015a). Goal 5: Achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls. Retrieved from https://sdgs.un.org/goals/goal5


United Nations. (2015b). Goal 10: Reduce inequality within and among countries. Retrieved from https://sdgs.un.org/goals/goal10


United Nations General Assembly. (1993). Declaration on the elimination of violence against women. New York.


UNICEF. (2016). The Sustainable Development Goals that aim to end human trafficking. UNICEF USA. Retrieved from https://www.unicefusa.org/stories/sustainable-development-goals-aim-end-human-trafficking/29864


UNRISD. (2012). Inequalities and the post-2015 development agenda. Retrieved from https://www.unrisd.org/unrisd/website/document.nsf/(httpPublications)/F7619CAD1B60C5D3C1257A8C0035A481?OpenDocument

Visual References

Cover Image: Gio. (2020). Red Light District (De Wallen) at Night. Photography. Unsplash. Retrieved from https://unsplash.com/


Figure 1: de Toulouse-Lautrec, H. (1894). Salon de la rue des Moulins [Painting]. Retrieved from https://paris10.sitehost.iu.edu/ParisOSS/D11_Sex_and_Gender/d8Rudorff_Courtsans_and_Prostitutes.html


Figure 2: Degas, E. (1890-5). After the Bath - Woman drying herself [Pastel on paper]. The Courtauld, London (Samuel Courtauld Trust). Retrieved from https://artuk.org/discover/artworks/after-the-bath-woman-drying-herself-262508


Figure 3: Manet, É. (1863). Olympia [Oil on canvas]. Retrieved from https://www.museumtv.art/en/artnews/articles/prostitution-in-art/


Figure 4: Picasso, P. (1907). Les demoiselles d'Avignon [Oil on canvas]. Retrieved from https://www.moma.org/collection/works/79766


Figure 5: Vermeer, J. (1656). The Procuress [Oil on canvas]. Retrieved from https://www.museumtv.art/en/artnews/articles/prostitution-in-art/ 


Figure 6: Manet, É. (1882). A Bar at the Folies-Bergère [Oil on canvas]. The Courtauld, London (Samuel Courtauld Trust). Retrieved from https://courtauld.ac.uk/highlights/a-bar-at-the-folies-bergere/

 

9 Comments


Ziph Inocencio
Ziph Inocencio
8 hours ago

You always have the best input in your blog. Fantastic!

cannabis lounge canada

Like

Ziph Inocencio
Ziph Inocencio
8 hours ago

Wow, that’s impressive work. Congratulations on a job well done.

cbd gummies thunder bay

Like

Thanks, you have made a wonderful post. I love and appreciate your commitment.

tribal triple burger review

Like

Nikki
Nikki
Oct 05

Addressing prostitution requires a nuanced understanding of these dynamics URL

Like

I found this blog site it’s very informative and helpful.

munchies brampton

Like
Author Photo

alioanasorina

Arcadia _ Logo.png

Arcadia has an extensive catalog of articles on everything from literature to science — all available for free! If you liked this article and would like to read more, subscribe below and click the “Read More” button to discover a world of unique content.

Let the posts come to you!

Thanks for submitting!

  • Instagram
  • Twitter
  • LinkedIn
bottom of page