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Definition and Consequences of the White Missing Woman Syndrome (WMWS)

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Introduction

The premise of Gillian Flynn's novel Gone Girl hinges on the assumption that when a white woman disappears, her case will command immediate and intense attention. This narrative unfolds with swift investigations, large-scale search efforts, and media saturation that disproportionately center around the missing white woman. As families, volunteers, and the public rally, the case garners more focus than others, underlining biases in which missing persons stories are amplified. This pattern, so evident in Gone Girl, exemplifies the systemic bias in how missing persons cases are presented in the media (Klein, 2014).


In Gone Girl, Amy’s disappearance generates a media frenzy driven by her image as the "perfect" white woman. This mirrors real-world media patterns, where missing white women often attract significantly more attention and resources than those from marginalized groups. The saturation of media coverage around her case displays how race and gender influence public perception and the allocation of resources in missing persons cases.


The film serves as a quintessential example of the "missing persons" genre, where a character’s disappearance sparks a race against time. While the plot revolves around the search to find the victim before it is “too late,” the true essence of these stories lies not in the missing person, but in how society reacts to their absence. These narratives reveal biases about who is deemed worthy of attention and resources, showing which missing persons we prioritize and which we overlook (Klein, 2014).



Figure 1: Cool Girl Monologue (PosterSpy, n.d.).
Figure 1: Cool Girl Monologue (PosterSpy, n.d.).

Four decades ago, scholars such as Gerbner (1978) and Tuchman, Daniels, and Benet (1978) accentuated the symbolic marginalization of less powerful groups by mass media. This concept helps to explain why certain groups are underrepresented in mainstream media coverage of missing persons, despite their overrepresentation in actual cases. For example, in 2022, the National Crime Information Center (NCIC) reported 187,474 missing adults in the United States, with 40.3% of them being women. Of these women, 27.7% were Black, despite Black individuals making up only 12.4% of the U.S. population (United States Census Bureau, 2020). This stark overrepresentation of Black women among the missing uncovers a disconnection between the actual statistics and media coverage. Similarly, Indigenous women are unevenly represented in missing persons cases in both the United States and Canada. The "Highway of Tears" in British Columbia has become infamous due to the large, though uncertain, number of Indigenous women who have disappeared along this route (Hawes et al., 2023; National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, 2019; Morton, 2016). In Canada, Indigenous peoples, comprising only 5% of the national population, accounted for 13% of missing adults in 2022, with 62% of these individuals being women (Government of Canada, 2023; Statistics Canada, 2022).


However, despite these statistics, women from marginalized ethnic groups are drastically underrepresented in media coverage of missing persons cases (Moody et al., 2008). This disparity persists despite longstanding advocacy efforts from Indigenous communities to address violence against women (Saramo, 2016). Researchers have proposed that specific characteristics of missing individuals—such as race and gender—make certain cases more likely to attract media attention. White women, in particular, tend to receive disproportionate coverage in such cases (Slakoff & Fradella, 2019; Slakoff & Brennan, 2017; Sommers, 2016). This phenomenon, referred to as "Missing White Woman Syndrome" (MWWS), draws attention to the disproportionate media fixation on white female victims (Moody et al., 2009; Stillman, 2007; Wanzo, 2008).


Figure 2: Missing White Woman Syndrome(Torres, N.,2025).
Figure 2: Missing White Woman Syndrome (Torres, N.,2025).

Newsworthiness and Media Coverage of Missing Persons

The pressure on U.S. media outlets to prioritize ratings and maximize profits often conflicts with journalistic objectivity (An & Bergen, 2007). While political controversies, natural disasters, and scandalous celebrity news may dominate the headlines, few topics consistently attract as much media attention as the disappearance of women and children. These cases, particularly those deemed "mega-cases," receive extensive coverage due to their ability to generate public interest over extended periods, fostering strong emotional responses from audiences (Dowler, Fleming, & Muzzatti, 2006). In pursuit of higher ratings, media outlets often frame crime stories as a form of entertainment, which makes them more mesmerizing for viewers and listeners to follow (Fuhrman, 2009; Surette, 2011). However, despite their widespread coverage, media narratives surrounding missing women and children are selective. Both national and local media outlets often praise certain cases while neglecting others (Moody, Dorries, & Blackwell, 2009; Wanzo, 2008).


Tuchman (1976) described news as a constructed reality shaped by selective and subjective processes, which reflect social and cultural criteria (Jewkes, 2015). Galtung and Ruge (1965) identified twelve overarching news values, such as negativity and personal relevance, but these values are interpreted differently by individual journalists, media organizations, and countries (Henry et al., 2010). Decisions about which stories to report often hinge on assumptions about which crime victims will capture the audience's interest (Chermak, 1995, as cited in Brandon et al., 2024). Meyers (1997) suggested that a hierarchy exists in crime reporting, with severe violence and homicides receiving the most attention. However, young, elderly, and white female victims are excessively represented in media coverage (Dowler, 2004).


For many, media serves as the primary source of information about crime (Black, 2016; Moody et al., 2008). Slakoff and Brennan (2017) noted that most U.S. citizens rely on media as their main source of crime-related information. Media framing, which is defined as “the process by which a communication source constructs and defines a social or political issue for its audience” (Nelson et al., 1997, p. 221), plays a significant role in shaping public perceptions. This concept is closely tied to agenda-setting theory, which posits that the media shapes both what people think about and how they feel about these issues (Furey et al., 2023; Slakoff & Brennan, 2017). Agenda-setting theory suggests that the visibility of issues directly impacts their perceived importance (Furey et al., 2023).



Figure 3:Are You Pressworthy, 2021.
Figure 3:Are You Pressworthy, 2021.

Cripps (2021) argued that mainstream media reinforces dominant societal norms, producing and legitimizing the lens through which events are viewed. This perspective echoes Hall’s (1973) claim that news values reflect ideologies favoring the powerful. Cultivation theory suggests that media consumption shapes individuals’ perceptions, aligning their worldviews with the most frequently depicted narratives (Weitzer & Kubrin, 2004). Inaccurate or biased representations of crime can have real-world consequences, especially within the criminal justice system (Slakoff & Brennan, 2017). Butler (2007; Butler & Moran, 2007) observed that jurors in capital cases are often influenced by pre-trial media coverage, and Welch (2007) showcased how stereotypes of Black individuals as criminals perpetuate racial profiling. Nelson et al. (1997) concluded that media and mass political communication profoundly shape public opinion, even without explicit persuasion.


In recent years, social media has emerged as a critical platform for news dissemination (Zubiaga, 2019). Engagement on social media—such as shares and comments—serves as a measure of a topic's perceived newsworthiness. Social media allows users to influence the spread of news, providing news organizations with insights into public interest (Peterson-Salahuddin & Diakopoulos, 2020). Network gatekeeping theory suggests that each social media user acts as a gatekeeper, deciding which content to share, thus elevating certain stories based on personal criteria (Diakopoulos & Zubiaga, 2014; Peterson-Salahuddin & Diakopoulos, 2020). Social media also informs journalists about stories that are generating reader interest (Harcup & O'Neill, 2017). Expanding upon Galtung and Ruge’s (1965) framework, Harcup and O'Neill (2017) proposed modern news values, including exclusivity, conflict, shareability, entertainment, relevance, and drama. As coverage of missing persons extends beyond traditional media, it is essential to examine whether social media has improved the visibility and representation of minority ethnic women in discussions surrounding missing persons. Given the disparities in media attention toward missing persons based on race and class, social media platforms may offer an opportunity to reshape how missing persons cases are presented and ensure more equitable representation for marginalized groups.


Missing White Woman Syndrome

The expression "Missing White Woman Syndrome" (MWWS), coined in 2004, underscores the patent disparities in media coverage, wherein missing white women receive excessive attention compared to their Black, Indigenous, and People of Color (BIPOC) counterparts. First attributed to news anchor Gwen Ifill (Moody et al., 2008), MWWS refers to the widespread media fixation on missing women who are white, young, conventionally attractive, and often from middle- or upper-middle-class backgrounds (Liebler, 2010; Jewkes, 2015; Slakoff & Fradella, 2019). This skewed coverage stands in stark contrast to the indifference, or even dismissiveness, towards missing women who do not fit this idealized profile (Moody et al., 2008). In these cases, media often fails to acknowledge their humanity, or worse, frames them as less deserving of sympathy or concern (Furey et al., 2023).


Figure 4:The concept of 'Missing White Woman Syndrome' is highlighted in the media portrayal of missing persons, with a particular focus on high-profile cases like Madeleine McCann (Lajoie, 2020, artwork by Anna Jay).
Figure 4:The concept of 'Missing White Woman Syndrome' is highlighted in the media portrayal of missing persons, with a particular focus on high-profile cases like Madeleine McCann (Lajoie, 2020, artwork by Anna Jay).

The media's portrayal of missing white women is often centered around descriptions that emphasize their physical appearance, social standing, and perceived virtues. Terms like "warm-hearted," "beautiful," "hardworking," and "kind" are employed to construct a "damsel-in-distress" archetype designed to elicit public sympathy and outrage (Furey et al., 2023). This focus on white women reinforces a broader societal trend where people of color are often depicted as "the other" (Fieras, 1994), with minorities portrayed as stereotypes or social problems in a manner consistent with U.S. media practices (Entman & Rojecki, 2000; Gandy, 1998). Heider (2000) has stressed the phenomenon of "incognizant racism" in news coverage, wherein majority reporters overlook or fail to acknowledge the issues that affect minority communities.


Carter and Steiner (2004) discuss the symbolic annihilation of women in the media, where they are either erased from the narrative, trivialized, or reduced to a singular trait, thus limiting their humanity. Sommers (2016) identified two key manifestations of MWWS: first, disparities in whether a missing woman even receives media attention, and second, the differences in the intensity of coverage once a case is reported. Research by Gilchrist (2010) accentuate how even when missing women fit the "ideal victim" archetype, disparities in media coverage persisted. In a comparison of six cases—three involving Indigenous women and three involving white women—Gilchrist found that the white women received six times more media coverage. This disparity occurred despite similarities in lifestyle and behavior, underscoring the systemic bias within media practices. Liebler (2004) further examined race and class disparities in media coverage of missing students, finding that a privileged white student received significantly more media attention than her Black counterpart.


The consequences of media attention—or the lack thereof—are profound. Lam et al. (2023) observed that extensive media coverage often results in “mega-cases” that dominate news cycles, raising public awareness and increasing the likelihood of spontaneous citizen-led searches. Imagery plays a crucial role in shaping public perception, as Entman and Rojecki (2001) noted that stories about missing white women were frequently featured on newspaper front pages, while coverage of missing Indigenous women was relegated to less prominent sections, often surrounded by advertisements or soft news. This disparity in placement reinforces implicit messages about the relative urgency and importance of such cases.


Figure 5:Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women, Girls and 2-Spirit People (MMIWG2S)(Hassan, 2021, illustration by Koch).
Figure 5: Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women, Girls and 2-Spirit People (MMIWG2S)(Hassan, 2021, illustration by Koch).

Gilchrist (2010) noted further disparities in victim descriptions and imagery. Headlines concerning missing Indigenous women were often impersonal and omitted key details, such as their names, and photographs, when included, were typically smaller and rarely featured family members. In contrast, coverage of missing white women often emphasized their physical appearance and feminine traits, reflecting societal ideals of appropriate femininity and the "ideal victim" (Moody et al., 2008). Gilchrist also noted a recurring "us versus them" tone in media reports, where coverage of missing white women portrayed perpetrators as threats to “our streets, communities, and daughters,” while coverage of Indigenous women typically focused on their community’s grief (Gilchrist, 2010). These findings support Liebler’s (2010) argument that MWWS reflects entrenched media practices that marginalize minority ethnic communities as "the other."


The media’s disproportionate focus on missing white women has perpetuated waves of moral panic, often rooted in narratives of the "good white victim" versus the "bad minority perpetrator." Cohen (2002) defines moral panic as a phenomenon where “a condition, episode, person, or group of persons emerges to become defined as a threat to societal values and interests; its nature is presented in a stylized and stereotypical fashion by the mass media.” These panics frequently target an “outgroup” as the enemy, resulting in what DeVault et al. (2016) describe as "crime control theatre"—performative legal measures designed to appear tough on crime but often yielding minimal impact while introducing unintended consequences. Simon (2007) highlights how the media’s emphasis on white, suburban, middle-class victims has shaped waves of crime legislation, primarily honoring white victims. Between 1990 and 2016, an overwhelming 44 of the 51 U.S. laws named after victims recognized white individuals, while only one law acknowledged a Black victim (Kulig & Cullen, 2016). This disparity underscores an implicit societal assumption that white lives hold greater value, a notion reinforced through both media narratives and legislative actions.

This racialized dynamic is further evident in the exclusion and marginalization of missing and murdered Indigenous women in Canada and the United States. These women’s cases often receive little to no attention, a phenomenon described as "symbolic annihilation," a term coined by Tuchman (1978) to denote the systemic erasure of certain groups from public awareness.


Sommers (2013) conducted a study to explore the disparity in media coverage of missing persons by analyzing cases reported by four online media outlets: the Star Tribune (Minneapolis), the Chicago Tribune, the Atlanta Journal-Constitution, and CNN.com. Comparing these reports to the FBI’s national database of missing persons, which mirrors the nation's demographic profile, Sommers found that white women were significantly overrepresented in media coverage, accounting for half of the articles in the study despite comprising only one-third of the national population. Furthermore, women were much more likely to be featured in news stories than men, highlighting a gender disparity in media representation (Sommers, 2016).


Figure6:No More Stolen Sisters: A Human Rights Response to Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women"(Amnesty International, n.d., as cited in Vale, 2024)
Figure 6: No More Stolen Sisters: A Human Rights Response to Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women" (Amnesty International, n.d., as cited in Vale, 2024)

The prevalence of MWWS in media coverage is so prominent that the Columbia Journalism Review developed a tool to calculate an individual’s "press value" in the event they went missing. Based on data from 3,630 news stories in 2021, the tool revealed significant disparities in coverage based on race, gender, age, and location, sparking conversations about inequality in media reporting (Are You Pressworthy, 2021).


Beyond Color: How Class Shapes the Missing White Woman Syndrome

Although media narratives often overlook the socioeconomic status of missing women and girls, their occupations frequently reflect their social class (Meyers, 2004). Researchers have examined patterns of marginalization and bias in crime victim portrayals, particularly regarding the intersection of class, race, and gender (Heider, 2004). For example, Meyers (1994) analyzed coverage of Wanda Walters, a woman murdered by her husband in Atlanta, and found that she was dismissed as “white trash,” highlighting how class-based stereotypes affect media portrayals. Meyers (2004) expanded on this by using Black feminist theory to explore how race, gender, and class intersect in media narratives about violence against Black women, such as during Freaknik, where victims were stereotyped as Jezebels, with their suffering diminished due to intersecting oppressions.


Figure 7:Illustrated / Getty Images, as cited in Klawans, 2023.
Figure 7: Illustrated/Getty Images, as cited in Klawans, 2023.

Job-status plays a significant role in shaping media portrayals of missing women. Certain occupations may contribute to stigmatization, while others humanize the individual (Jeanis & Powers, 2017) as seen in cases such as Wanda Walters, whose victimization was dismissed and reduced to “white trash” (Meyers, 1994). Sex workers, for instance, are often dehumanized in media coverage due to perceptions that their lifestyles are "risky" (Stillman, 2007; Strega et al., 2014). On the other hand, women in prestigious or well-paying jobs are often portrayed more sympathetically, with their occupation emphasized in coverage (Wanzo, 2008),Since white individuals are more likely to hold high-prestige jobs than Black individuals (Conley & Yeung, 2005; Cullen & Agnew, 2011), missing Black women may not receive the same humanizing treatment based on their profession as missing white women.


Liebler (2004) examined disparities in the media coverage of two missing college students and attributed the differences to class and race. The media provided significantly more attention to an affluent white student than her African American counterpart, partly because her parents used media events to maintain coverage. Meanwhile, the African American student's working-class background was highlighted, and both victims were subtly framed as complicit in their disappearances. Liebler concluded that such media narratives reinforce existing social hierarchies.


The intersection of occupation and media coverage also affects how victims are portrayed. Sex workers are often linked with narratives about sexuality or provocative details, reflecting the perceived risks of their profession. For example, an article in The Atlanta Journal–Constitution described Deborah Crawford as a sex worker and drug dealer who associated with “unsavory characters” (Badertscher, 2017). Similarly, a 2011 Wall Street Journal article about murdered sex worker Megan Waterman suggested that her death was a consequence of her involvement in sex work. This pattern is also evident in Canada, where Jiwani and Young (2006) highlighted the marginalization of Indigenous women, especially those involved in sex work, in media coverage of missing and murdered cases.


Figure 8:Style and Polity,2021, October 12.
Figure 8: Style and Polity, 2021, October 12.

In summary, occupation plays a critical role in media portrayals of missing women, with sex workers often dehumanized, while those in prestigious jobs are humanized. This dynamic is compounded by the intersection of race and class, with white women more likely to be depicted sympathetically due to their association with higher-status professions. Missing Black women, however, may not receive the same treatment due to racial and class-based biases in media coverage (Conley & Yeung, 2005; Cullen & Agnew, 2011; Stillman, 2007; Wanzo, 2008).

Missing White Woman Syndrome Across Different Forms of Media

Despite the widespread use of the idiom "Missing White Woman Syndrome" (MWWS), empirical studies on the phenomenon remain limited and vary significantly in terms of media type and research objectives. For instance, Sommers (2017) examined MWWS in online news, while Liebler (2010) analyzed 31 diverse media pieces, including cartoons, op-eds, and news stories, to address MWWS explicitly. Studies by Conlin and Davie (2015), Min and Feaster (2010), and Simmons and Woods (2015) focused on television news, particularly the portrayal of missing children. Stillman (2007) conducted a case study analysis of media coverage surrounding the disappearance of Jessica Lunsford and other missing or murdered White women. Jeanis and Powers (2017) analyzed disparities in television and print media, focusing on Louisiana, while Sommers (2017) and Jeanis and Powers (2017) both investigated the intensity of media coverage. Sampling frames also varied, with Sommers (2017) analyzing online news from four sources and Jeanis and Powers (2017) focusing on state-specific coverage.


Despite methodological differences, common findings emerged across these studies. Missing White individuals consistently received more media attention than racial minorities, with White cases often receiving repeated coverage (Jeanis & Powers, 2017). Official statistics indicate a higher number of missing Black children, yet Black children are significantly underrepresented in television news compared to their White counterparts (Conlin & Davie, 2015; Simmons & Woods, 2015). Similarly, White women and girls are more likely to receive both initial and repeated coverage than their minority counterparts (Sommers, 2017). Numerous studies have highlighted how U.S. television news reinforces MWWS by asymetrically focusing on White women and girls (Moody et al., 2009; Wanzo, 2008). However, whether this trend is equally prevalent in other forms of media, such as print, online platforms, or podcasts, remains less understood.


True crime podcasts also reflect MWWS. Slakoff and Duran (2023) found that 87.1% of episodes analyzed included at least one missing White woman or girl. Of episodes focusing on a single case, 76.1% featured White women or girls, while women and girls of color were significantly underrepresented. Moreover, episodes discussing multiple missing individuals predominantly included White women or girls in 95.7% of cases. The descriptions often employed sensationalistic or mysterious language to captivate audiences, while occasionally adopting casual or disrespectful tones that downplayed the seriousness of violence against women (Slakoff & Duran, 2023). These findings suggest a persistent bias in how missing persons are represented across different media formats.


Figure 9; The case of Gabby Petito (Rosner, 2021).
Figure 9: The case of Gabby Petito (Rosner, 2021).

Social media platforms also perpetuate MWWS despite their potential to highlight stories of missing women from minority groups. For example, following the discovery of Gabby Petito’s remains on September 22, 2021, the hashtag #gabbypetito garnered over 794 million views on TikTok, as reported by the New York Times (Robertson, 2021). In stark contrast, the hashtag #rosalitalongee, referring to 18-year-old Indigenous woman Rosalita Longee, missing since 2015, had only 16,400 views as of November 3, 2023. Meanwhile, the hashtag #MMIW (Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women), often used in posts about missing Indigenous women, accumulated 559.8 million views, drawing attention to the disparity in visibility across individual cases.

Ethnicity, age, and occupation influence engagement with missing persons appeals on social media (Brandon et al., 2024). Research by Jeanis et al. (2021) revealed a strong correlation between these factors and Facebook engagement. Beyond resharing traditional media reports, users frequently disseminate information directly from law enforcement. However, ethnicity influences sharing patterns. Solymosi et al. (2021) analyzed tweets from Greater Manchester Police between 2011 and 2018 and found that posts about missing White women received the highest number of retweets.


Conclusion

According to agenda-setting theory, media influence the public not only by telling them what to think but also what to think about (McCombs & Shaw, 1972; Scheufele & Tewksbury, 2007 as cited in Slakoff, D. C., & Fradella, H. F., 2019). When media outlets repeatedly disseminate the same message, a social reality becomes dominant, shaping public perception (Surette, 2011). In plain contrast to their overrepresentation in missing persons statistics, women of minority ethnicities, such as Black and Indigenous women, continue to be marginalized in mainstream media narratives. Recent cases of missing women highlight the underrepresentation of missing minority-ethnic women in the news. While social media enables public accountability, Missing White Woman Syndrome (MWWS) persists, with minority women still underrepresented in coverage (Brandon et al., 2024). This disparity is further driven by the media’s prioritization of White victims due to commercial interests, often sidelining minority women (Slakoff, Slakoff, & Fradella, 2019). While the statistics show that Black and Indigenous women are disproportionately represented among the missing, the media fails to allocate the same urgency or visibility to their cases. As a result, these girls and women remain underserved by current policies (Moss, 2019).The disparity in media coverage is not just a reflection of who is actually missing, but a sign of the deeper societal biases that shape the media’s priorities and public perception of who is worthy of attention. Addressing MWWS requires both media reform and advocacy for policies that better support minority communities.


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